15 Things You Should Know About Ruth Bader Ginsburg

Pablo Martinez Monsivais-Pool/Getty Images
Pablo Martinez Monsivais-Pool/Getty Images

In the middle of one especially eventful Supreme Court session more than five years ago—June 24, 2013, to be exact—Ruth Bader Ginsburg opened her mouth and began to speak. In two separate dissents, RBG excoriated the outcomes of three cases: Fisher v. University of Texas and two employment discrimination decisions, Vance v. Ball State and University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center v. Nassar. But she wasn’t done yet. The next day, she read an even more scathing dissent, this time in Shelby County v. Holder. That decision ruled a section of the Voting Rights Act, requiring certain districts to get “preclearance” before changing voting laws, as unconstitutional. “The sad irony of today’s decision lies in its utter failure to grasp why the [Voting Rights Act] has proven effective,” Ginsburg opined. “Throwing out preclearance when it has worked and is continuing to work to stop discriminatory changes is like throwing away your umbrella in a rainstorm because you are not getting wet.”

Reading aloud one’s dissent isn’t unheard of, but it is an undeniably vehement statement. Her outspokenness that day caused people all over the world—people who otherwise wouldn’t pay much heed to the decisions passed down by the Supreme Court of the United States—to sit up and take notice.

What people might not realize is that Justice Ginsburg has been using that quiet voice of hers to shape the course of our nation’s history for more than six decades. Below, a few things you might not know about Ginsburg—a.k.a. the Notorious RBG—who is the subject of a new biopic, On the Basis of Sex, which arrives in theaters today.

1. The injustice her mother faced left a lasting impression.

U.S. Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg
Brendan Smialowski/Getty Images

Celia Bader, née Amster, died the day before Ginsburg’s high school graduation. But in their short time together, Celia managed to instill in her daughter that an education was not something to be taken for granted. Celia herself—whom Ginsburg regularly, according to Irin Carmon and Shana Knizhnik’s Notorious RBG, called the most intelligent person she’d ever known—went to work at age 15 in order to help put her brother through college.

At the 1993 White House press conference announcing her nomination to the Supreme Court, Ginsburg wrapped up her remarks with an emotional tribute to the woman who was never allowed to reach her full potential. “I have a last thank-you,” she told the crowd assembled. “It’s to my mother. My mother was the bravest, strongest person I have ever known, who was taken from me much too soon. I pray that I may be all that she would have been had she lived in an age when women could aspire and achieve and daughters are cherished as much as sons.”

2. It wasn’t exactly smooth sailing for Ginsburg, either.

As newlyweds, Ginsburg and her husband, Marty, relocated to Fort Sill, Oklahoma, where Marty was expected to fulfill his Army Reserve duties for the next two years. Ruth took the civil service exam and qualified to be a claims adjustor—but then made the mistake of mentioning that she was three months pregnant with their daughter, Jane. Suddenly, RBG’s civil service ranking was reduced, and with it, her title and pay. (She learned a valuable lesson from the experience, and during her second pregnancy—which coincided with her first year as a professor at Rutgers University—she did everything she could to conceal the fact that she was expecting.)

In 1956, Ginsburg was one of just nine female students matriculating at Harvard Law School. The dean of the Law School at the time, Erwin Griswold, hosted a dinner for the women—and at the end of the meal, asked each of them to go around and share how it was they justified taking a spot that would otherwise have gone to a man. Years later—when word got back to Griswold that his former student enjoyed recounting this tale on the lecture circuit—he insisted that it had all been in good fun.

3. She was first in her class, but struggled to find a job.

Ginsburg transferred from Harvard to Columbia, where she graduated at the top of her class. But few law firms at that point had opened their doors to women, and despite glowing recommendations from several of her professors, none of them were able to secure her a clerkship with a federal judge. Ginsburg was finally able to get her foot in the door with a lower-ranking district court judge, Edmund Palmieri—and only after one of her mentors threatened to stop sending clerks his way if he turned her down.

The famous judge and legal philosopher Learned Hand rejected her too—supposedly because he was afraid a woman’s presence in his office would force him to limit his swearing. Oddly enough, she found herself regularly carpooling with both Palmieri and Hand, who, as author Linda Hirshman put it in her book Sisters in Law, continued to “talk in [his] usual expressive style.” Ginsburg finally asked why he felt like he could swear like a sailor during their car rides, given that he had turned her down so as not to have to clean up his act. “Young lady, I’m not looking at you,” he reportedly replied, staring straight ahead at the windshield. Looking back on the exchange years later, Ginsburg marveled, “It was as if I wasn’t even there.”

4. Her marriage was one of equals.

During a time when women were expected to put their husbands’ needs before their own, Ruth and Marty Ginsburg refused to let prescribed gender roles dictate how they ran their household. In the years when Marty—a successful tax lawyer in his own right—was busy trying to make partner, Ruth took on the brunt of the housework and child rearing. And as Ruth’s career blossomed, Marty made sure there was dinner on the table for their two kids, and would often drag his wife out of the office late at night to ensure she ate a proper meal and got some rest. (Unlike his culinarily challenged wife, Marty was a whiz in the kitchen, and would famously bake cakes for her clerks’ birthday celebrations. After he passed, the Supreme Court Historical Society published a book of his recipes, titled Chef Supreme.)

Before Marty’s death in 2010, he reportedly told a friend, “I think the most important thing I have done is enable Ruth to do what she has done.”

5. She’s considered the Thurgood Marshall of the women’s movement.

In her role as lead counsel for the ACLU Women’s Rights Project, Ginsburg believed the most effective way to achieve lasting results was to pick cases that were winnable and would set precedents that would chip away at the legal barriers imposed on women. "Not all feminist issues should be litigated now," she cautioned in the early '70s, "because some are losers, given the current political climate, and could set back our efforts to develop favorable law." (As her ACLU colleague Pauli Murray, a legend in both the civil rights and women’s movements, noted, “One bad decision of the Supreme Court has a terrible impact.”) In this way, bit by bit, Ginsburg could construct an unshakeable legal foundation for women’s equality, which would hold until society was ready to pass a more sweeping measure—say, an Equal Rights Amendment—explicitly banning gender discrimination. Ginsburg’s slow and steady approach drew the ire of some feminists who felt the ACLU wasn’t being bold enough.

6. She often picked cases that (seemingly) benefited men …

For Ginsburg, the gender of her plaintiff didn’t matter. What really mattered was whether or not each case could potentially overturn laws restricting women’s—and men’s—roles. In 1974’s Kahn v. Shevin, for example, she represented a widower who believed he should be entitled to a Florida tax exemption granted only to widows. And in 1975’s Weinberger v. Wiesenfeld, she argued on behalf of a widower whose schoolteacher wife had been the family’s primary breadwinner. Once she passed away—leaving him and their infant son—he was unable to collect Social Security survivor’s benefits, which again, were only awarded to widows. (The court ruled unanimously in favor of Wiesenfeld, who only wanted to be able to stay home with his son until he was old enough to go to school full time.)

Ginsburg was also wary of any laws that purported to shield women from the harsh world outside the home, such as rules barring women from jury service. As she wrote in her very first Supreme Court brief, for 1971’s Reed v. Reed, “The pedestal upon which women have been placed has all too often, upon closer inspection, been revealed as a cage.”

7. … and developed a lifelong friendship with one of those male plaintiffs.

The Ginsburgs became incredibly close to the young father at the center of Weinberger v. Wiesenfeld, Stephen Wiesenfeld. Wiesenfeld and Ginsburg keep in touch to this day; Ginsburg used her connections to help get baby Jason into Columbia Law School, and she officiated at his 1998 wedding, as well as at his father’s 2014 remarriage at the age of 71.

8. Before they met, Ginsburg admired Sandra Day O’Connor from afar.

Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg (L) and former justice Sandra Day O'Connor
Kevork Djansezian/Getty Images

The first two women to serve on the Supreme Court were, even before they met, a little bit in awe of one another. After O’Connor penned her first opinion, outlining the reasons why the Mississippi University for Women’s ban on male nursing students was unconstitutional, Marty Ginsburg half-jokingly asked RBG—then a D.C. circuit judge—if she had somehow written it. (Here, O’Connor had cited the argument put forth in Ginsburg’s very first Supreme Court brief for Reed v. Reed: the school’s decision to keep men out of its nursing program was, O’Connor wrote, “subject to scrutiny under the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.”)

Once O’Connor and Ginsburg had become properly acquainted, O’Connor took on more clerks from Ginsburg’s chambers than she did any other federal judge, and the two women often publicly praised each other.

9. She still misses her former colleague.

The Reagan-appointed O'Connor and the Clinton-nominated Ginsburg would serve 12 years together; they were even given matching T-shirts by the National Association of Women’s Judges to help clear things up for anyone not accustomed to seeing two female faces looking down on them from the bench. (“I’m Ruth, not Sandra,” Ginsburg’s read, while O’Connor’s proclaimed, “I’m Sandra, not Ruth.”)

Ginsburg confessed that the three years between O’Connor’s retirement in 2006 and Sonia Sotomayor’s appointment in 2009 were “the worst times” in a 2014 interview with the New Republic: “The image to the public entering the courtroom was eight men, of a certain size, and then this little woman, sitting off to the side. That was not a good image for the public to see.”

“But now,” continued Ginsburg, “with three of us on the bench, I am no longer lonely and my newest colleagues are no shrinking violets.” (When asked at what point there will be "enough women" on the Court, Ginsburg has consistently replied, “when there are nine … [There’d] been nine men, and no one’s ever raised a question about that.”)

10. She's cultivated a reputation as this court's "great dissenter."

Although her career as a litigator mirrored that of Thurgood Marshall, Hirshman believes Ginsburg's judicial legacy will place her among the Court’s so-called “great dissenters”: John Marshall Harlan, Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr., and Louis D. Brandeis. As Hirshman wrote:

“In disagreeing with their colleagues at the time they served among them, these legendary jurists anticipated every core development of twentieth century judicial law: the dismantling of Jim Crow segregation, the protection of free speech, and the allowance of economic recognition.”

By speaking up when her conservative colleagues arrive at a decision she believes to be regressive, Ginsburg, Hirshman argues, is planting “seeds” of social progress, lending her powerful words to the movements that will effect change from the ground up.

11. Her collars are coded.

US Supreme Court Justices Ruth Bader Ginsburg
Brendan SmialowskI/AFP/Getty Images

Ginsburg and O’Connor jointly decided that they would use jabots to carve out a visual space of their own in what would otherwise be a sea of black robes and ties. “You know, the standard robe is made for a man because it has a place for the shirt to show, and the tie,” Ginsburg told The Washington Post in 2009. “So Sandra Day O’Connor and I thought it would be appropriate if we included as part of our robe something typical of a woman.” According to Carmon and Knizhnik, Ginsburg breaks out one of two collars on decision days. A lace collar featuring gold trim and charms, a gift from one of her former clerks, serves as her majority-opinion collar, while a mirrored bib necklace she was gifted at Glamour’s 2012 Women of the Year awards is what she wears when her side has come up short. “It looks fitting for dissent,” she explained after she broke it out for her 2014 Hobby Lobby opinion.

12. She and Antonin Scalia really were “best buddies.”

Fans of both Ginsburg and the late Antonin Scalia had a hard time wrapping their heads around the duo’s unshakeable bond. How is it, outsiders wondered, that two people with such dramatically different views could grow to be so close? Despite their opposing ideologies, Ginsburg and Scalia possessed an intense mutual respect for one another, a deep respect for the Court’s role, and, perhaps most importantly, both recognized that they made the other better. Oh, and then there was the opera: the friends’ love of the art form, plus their “odd couple” reputation, inspired one law student to compose an entire (satirical) opera about them. In the statement [PDF] she released following the passing of her “best buddy” on February 13, she wrote:

“Toward the end of the opera 'Scalia/Ginsburg,' tenor Scalia and soprano Ginsburg sing a duet ‘We are different, we are one’ … We disagreed now and then, but when I wrote for the Court and received a Scalia dissent, the opinion ultimately released was notably better than my initial circulation. Justice Scalia nailed all the weak spots—the ‘applesauce’ and ‘argle bargle’—and gave me just what I need to strengthen the majority opinion."

13. Did we mention she loves opera?

“If I had any talent that God could give me, I would be a great diva,” she said during a conversation at Georgetown University’s Law School last year. “But sadly I have a monotone … [I sing] only in the shower and in my dreams.” That hasn’t stopped her from appearing as an extra in a handful of productions—or from fangirling (in her typically decorous manner) when Plácido Domingo sang to her.

14. She can probably do more pushups than you.

For the past 20 years, Ginsburg has worked out twice weekly with a personal trainer—the same one Justice Kagan uses, on Ginsburg’s recommendation. Her regime includes an elliptical warm up, squats, planks, medicine ball tosses (she uses a 12-pounder!), and push-ups. She regularly does more than 20 push-ups. And she does it all while listening to classical music.

15. She’s not going anywhere just yet.

U.S. Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg
Allison Shelley/Getty Images

Just last week it was announced that Ginsburg had undergone surgery to remove two cancerous growths in her left lung. It's not her first battle with the disease: Ginsburg refused to let two earlier bouts with the disease slow her down. She also quickly bounced back following a heart operation in 2014 and a fall in November that left her with three fractured ribs. Just days after her most recent surgery, outlets are already reporting that Ginsburg is back at work. So she certainly won’t let anyone convince her that everyone would be better off if she retired now. As she told the New Republic,

“As long as I can do the job full steam, I will stay here. I think I will know when I’m no longer able to think as lucidly, to remember as well, to write as fast. I was number one last term in the speed with which opinions came down. My average from the day of argument to the day the decision was released was sixty days, ahead of the chief by some six days. So I don’t think I have reached the point where I can’t do the job as well."

Ginsburg also has a stock answer ready for any fair-weather supporters: “I asked some people, particularly the academics who said I should have stepped down last year: ‘Who do you think the president could nominate and get through the current Senate that you would rather see on the Court than me?’ No one has given me an answer to that question.”

Sounds like the RBG equivalent of a mic drop to us.

Additional Sources:
Sisters in Law: How Sandra Day O'Connor and Ruth Bader Ginsburg Went to the Supreme Court and Changed the World Notorious RBG: The Life and Times of Ruth Bader Ginsburg

The Lavender Scare: When the U.S. Government Persecuted Employees for Being Gay

President Dwight Eisenhower circa 1959
President Dwight Eisenhower circa 1959
Central Press/Hulton Archive/Getty Images

Many people have heard of the Red Scare, an episode of persecution of suspected communists in the 1940s and 1950s, but they’re less familiar with a scare of a different hue. Over the same period, and into the 1990s, officials investigated and fired government employees for being gay or lesbian—a phenomenon that has become known as the “Lavender Scare.”

Thousands of people were pushed out of government jobs, whether they worked at the State Department or other agencies, as federal contractors, or in the military, because of their perceived sexuality—and, in some cases, because of guilt by association. Most remain anonymous, part of a chapter in LGBTQ history that is frequently ignored.

"The Pervert File"

The Lavender Scare was the product of a perfect storm of circumstances. During the Great Depression and World War II, many gays and lesbians left their rural communities in search of opportunities elsewhere, including in Washington, D.C. Government jobs provided excellent pay and benefits, and in a city, people could build community. But trouble lay ahead.

The first rumblings began in 1947, when the U.S. Park Police instituted a “Sex Perversion Elimination Program” explicitly targeting gay men in Washington, D.C. public parks for harassment. Patrols focused on Lafayette and Franklin Parks, where any men deemed suspicious could be picked up regardless of their intentions. Men were arrested and intimidated, pushed to pay fines to resolve their arrests and go home—but not before their information, including fingerprints and photographs, was collected for inclusion in a “pervert file.” By February 1950, 700 men had been apprehended, 200 of whom were arrested. According to historian David K. Johnson in his book The Lavender Scare, the typical detainee was a 25-year-old government clerk.

The parks program appeared against the backdrop of “sexual psychopath” laws. Passed across the country starting in the 1930s, these laws criminalized LGBTQ people and promoted forcible treatment [PDF] for their sexual expression, which was viewed as a mental disorder. Nebraska Republican Arthur Miller, who authored D.C.’s now-repealed “sexual psychopath” law in 1948, became one of the most vitriolic individuals in attacking gay federal employees: “There are places in Washington where they gather for the purpose of sex orgies, where they worship at the cesspool and flesh pots of iniquity,” Miller said in a blisteringly homophobic floor speech in early 1950.

Miller wasn't the only one speaking out about the perceived menace. In his now-infamous speeches on the Senate floor in February 1950, Senator Joseph McCarthy explicitly linked communism and homosexuality, arguing that LGBTQ people were particularly susceptible to communist recruitment because of their "peculiar mental twists."

McCarthy's speeches—and a revelation by deputy undersecretary of state John Peurifoy that the State Department had recently fired 91 employees for being gay—led to a public outcry. Within a month of McCarthy taking to the Senate floor, a Congressional investigation led by senators Kenneth Wherry and J. Lister Hill laid the groundwork for hearings on the issue. Those ultimately resulted in a bipartisan December 1950 report: “Employment of homosexuals and other sex perverts in government,” led by Democratic senator Clyde R. Hoey.

The report, which drew upon extensive interviews with federal agencies and the military, concluded that gay people should not be employed by the government because they were "generally unsuitable" and because they constituted a security risk. The unsuitability was said to stem from the fact that "overt acts of sex perversion" were a crime under federal and local laws, as well as the assertion that "persons who engage in such activity are looked upon as outcasts by society generally." Furthermore, the report said, gay people "lack the emotional stability of normal persons" and "indulgence in acts of sex perversion weakens the moral fiber of an individual to a degree that he is not suitable for a position of responsibility." This lack of moral fiber was said to make gay people, who might be blackmailed for their activities, particularly "susceptible to the blandishments of the foreign espionage agent."

In a callback to the park stings of the 1940s, the report successfully recommended changes to D.C. criminal procedure that forced men suspected of “perversion” into court when they were caught by law enforcement, effectively outing them. The report also pushed government entities to develop clear policies and procedures for terminating gay and lesbian employees—a recommendation that would have tremendous consequences.

"As Dangerous as the Communists"

Kenneth Wherry
Kenneth Wherry
Harris & Ewing, Wikimedia Commons // Public Domain

The government seized on the idea that being gay was a security risk. As Senator Wherry put it, "Only the most naive could believe that the Communists' fifth column in the United States would neglect to propagate and use homosexuals to gain their treacherous ends." In a 1950 newsletter, Republican National Chair Guy George Gabrielson cited “sexual perverts” as a government peril that was "perhaps as dangerous as the actual communists" [PDF].

Inspired in part by the Hoey Report, President Dwight Eisenhower signed executive order 10450 in 1953, listing “sexual perversion” as grounds for identifying someone as a security risk. The document made it possible to aggressively pursue people like Airman Second Class Helen Grace James. James has described being followed and watched during her days in the Air Force, even during activities as innocent as eating a sandwich with a friend or going to the bathroom. The feeling of constant scrutiny affected her mental health and her sleep. "We were scared all the time," she told the Criminal podcast.

Once James was arrested in 1955, the Army threatened to go to her parents and friends with news of her sexuality, saying James was "a threat to the nation and a bad person," she explained to Criminal. "I finally said, just write down whatever you want to write down and I'll sign it."

After being discharged, James fled the East Coast. "[I] had no money, no support at all. I couldn't tell my family, I couldn't tell my friends," she said. "I had hoped to make a career of the Air Force, I loved it." Being kicked out of the Air Force, she felt, was a stain on her military family. She fought for years to change her undesirable discharge to an honorable one; she was finally successful in 2018.

James suffered in silence for years, but Frank Kameny took his case all the way to the Supreme Court. In 1957, he was fired from his job as an astronomer with the Army Map Service for being gay. In his Supreme Court petition three years later, he called the government's policies on homosexuality “nothing more than a reflection of ancient primitive, archaic, obsolete taboos … an anachronistic relic of the Stone Age carried over into the Space Age—and a harmful relic!” His case may have been the first explicitly involving LGBTQ rights to make its way before the court, which denied his appeal. Kameny went on to become a prominent member of the gay rights movement, and was a founder of the Mattachine Society, an activist organization that collects and preserves important archival material related to LGBTQ history.

All in all, an estimated 10,000 people lost their jobs in the Lavender Scare. President Clinton effectively overturned parts of Executive Order 10450 in 1995, but the government didn't apologize for the discrimination until the administration of Barack Obama.

Fellow Travelers

Frank Kameny attending Pride on June 12, 2010
LGBTQ activist and Lavender Scare target Frank Kameny attending a Pride event in 2010

Although not a well-known period in history, The Lavender Scare has had a cultural afterlife. It was the subject of a 2017 documentary, and a key element of a 2007 novel, Fellow Travelers, which followed a youthful civil servant, a forbidden affair, and the terror of living a double life in 1950s Washington. The book was adapted into an opera first staged in 2016, complete with a set inspired by the overbearing style of 1950s brutalist architecture.

“The piece wants to memorialize those people whose lives were lost, or jobs were lost,” Peter Rothstein, who directed the Minnesota Opera production, tells Mental Floss. Many members of the LGBTQ community aren’t aware of the Lavender Scare, or don’t know about its full extent, something Rothstein discovered when he started to research in preparation for the production. “I thought I was kind of up on my queer history. I was like 'whoa!' The scope of it.”

While stereotypes about gay men and musical theater abound, Rothstein notes that musicals play an important role in America’s cultural history and climate. Many recent works, including Lin-Manuel Miranda’s Hamiltonhave explored historical and cultural identity—and with Fellow Travelers, Rothstein says, the medium was particularly apt. “There’s a huge subtext of men not able to articulate for themselves, because they haven’t really been given language to describe their emotional, sexual specificity," he explained.

This neglected piece of queer history reflects a time when shame kept many people silent. Thankfully, historians such as Johnson are collecting stories before survivors of this generation fade away. As they uncover more tales of careers—and lives—ruined, perhaps the Lavender Scare will begin to take on more of a role in mainstream history books.

19 Facts About the 19th Amendment

getty images
getty images

On August 18, 1920, American women finally secured the right to vote. Calling the victory hard-won would be an understatement: Denounced by many, the 19th amendment had an ugly, uphill road to ratification. 

1. In 1797, New Jersey temporarily granted voting rights to unwed women.

New Jersey's original state constitution, adopted in 1776, declared that “all inhabitants” who were “worth 50 pounds” could vote. Because some found this wording rather vague, clearer legislation was drafted, and in 1797, the State Assembly explicitly granted unwed female New Jerseyans suffrage.

For the next 10 years, single women were permitted to cast ballots. Married women weren’t given this privilege because their husbands legally controlled every piece of property they owned, so they failed the “50 pounds” requirement. In 1807, the Assembly passed a new law that forbade anyone but “free, white male citizens” who were at least 21 and paid taxes from voting. 

2. The Wyoming Territory led a nationwide charge for suffrage. 

Today, it’s called “The Equality State,” and in 1869, it really earned that nickname. During this pivotal year, a bill sponsored by Councilman William Bright was approved by the Territorial Legislature. “[Every] woman, of the age of 21 years," the document read, "residing in this Territory, may at every election to be holden under the law thereof, cast her vote.”

Though suffragists cheered this news, some feared that the celebration would be short-lived. Just two years after women were given the right to vote, Wyoming was one vote short of repealing the act. But eventually, women’s right to vote became so entrenched in Wyoming that when it applied for statehood, Congress threatened to deny it unless Bright’s bill was revoked—but the local legislature wouldn't back down: “We will remain out of the union [for] 100 years rather than come in without the women.” Congress caved, and Wyoming, with all its female voters, became 44th state in 1890.

3. The 19th Amendment was first proposed (and defeated) in 1878.  

“The right of citizens to vote shall not be abridged by the United States or any State on account of sex.” So read an amendment that California Senator Arlen A. Sargent put forth for discussion on January 10, 1878, at the urging of his friends Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony. Hearings were held by the Senate Committee on Privileges and Elections, but they weren’t encouraging. While advocates voiced their support, several committee members busied themselves by reading newspapers or staring off into space. The bill was rejected, though it would be re-introduced every year for the next 41 years.

4. Before 1920, voting rights differed across state lines.

In January 1919, suffrage laws varied considerably: 15 states allowed women to vote in all elections, while 21 barred them from certain contests (for instance, women in Texas could cast ballots only during primaries). The remaining 12 prohibited women voting altogether. 

5. Teddy Roosevelt's "Bull Moose" party campaigned on women's enfranchisement. 

In 1908, President Theodore Roosevelt wrote, “I believe in women’s suffrage, but … I do not regard it as a very important matter.” But he made women's suffrage a central issue while seeking a third term. When William Howard Taft’s 1912 re-nomination dashed Roosevelt’s hopes of running again as a Republican, he launched the Progressive Party, which incorporated suffrage into its official platform

One day into the campaign, T.R. made history. At the party’s convention, social reformer Jane Addams became the first woman to ever second the nomination of a major presidential candidate. “It was a spectacular proceeding,” opined Woodrow Wilson backer Charles W. Elliot, “but in exceedingly bad taste, because a woman has no place at a political convention.”

6. William Howard Taft had mixed feelings about suffrage for women. 

As Big Bill told The Saturday Evening Post in 1915, he favored a gradual approach to granting female voting rights. Taft believed that “the immediate enfranchisement of women would increase … the hysterical element of the electorate.” However, if such a reform could be “delayed until a great majority” desired it, the change would “be a correct and useful extension of the democratic principle. The benefit will come slowly and imperceptibly.”

7. Not all suffrage opponents were men. 

Alice Hay Wadsworth was among the most prominent women to denounce what became the 19th Amendment. Wadsworth was the former president of the National Association Opposed to Women’s Suffrage and the wife of Senator James Wolcott Wadsworth, Jr., Republican of New York. An infamous pamphlet published by the association claimed that “90 percent of women either do not want it or do not care,” and that new voting rights would mean “competition with men instead of cooperation.” 

8. Suffrage advocates threw a White House picket protest. 

Activist Alice Paul had little trouble getting under President Woodrow Wilson’s skin. She broke new, nonviolent ground by establishing a group called the Silent Sentinels, which began protesting outside the White House on January 10, 1917. Over the next 2.5 years, they spent six days a week holding up pro-enfranchisement signs with such captions as “How long must women wait for liberty?” and “Mr. President, what will you do for woman suffrage?” 

9. The suffragists' hunger strikes forced Wilson to act. 

Eventually, policemen began arresting Silent Sentinels—including Paul herself—for “obstructing traffic.” While incarcerated, she organized a hunger strike, which drove guards to begin force-feeding captive activists. And it got worse: Guards denied the protestors water, one of the protestors was manacled to the bars and nearly placed in a straitjacket and gagged for talking to her fellow inmates, and three emerged from the ordeal so weak that doctors feared for their lives. Wilson’s stance on enfranchisement shifted from tepid support to total advocacy. 

10. Wilson tried to pass national suffrage in 1918, but fell short. 

With World War I still raging, Wilson officially endorsed what later became the 19th amendment. One day after he released a statement to this effect, the House passed the measure. Riding high on that victory, Wilson addressed the Senate in person, saying, “We have made partners of the women in this war. Shall we admit them only to a partnership of suffering and sacrifice and toil and not to a partnership of privilege and right?” Despite these passionate words, the amendment didn’t break through, falling short just two votes. A few months later, Congress tried passing it again—and missed the mark by one vote in the Senate. 

11. One suffragette died for the cause.

On June 4, 1919, the Senate finally passed the amendment. Now, its life depended upon the states. Approvals from three-fourths of the states were needed for ratification.   

Aloysius Larch-Miller, the Oklahoma State Suffrage Ratification Committee’s secretary, was stricken with influenza during the winter of 1920 and told to remain in bed. But she went out to debate a prominent anti-suffragist at a local convention. Two days later, she passed away, and her death became a rallying cry for suffragists. Oklahoma eventually ratified the 19th Amendment.

12. One state representative guaranteed the 19th Amendment's success to please his mother. 

When Tennessee approved the bill on August 18, 1920, it became the 36th state to ratify, providing the necessary three-fourths majority. A 24-year-old state representative named Harry Burn, who previously opposed suffrage, had received a letter from his widowed mother, Febb Burn, on the day of the vote. She urged him to support the amendment. He voted yes, and led Tennessee to ratify by a margin of 49 to 47. Since the state senate had already passed it, the measure won out. “I know that a mother’s advice is always safest for her boy to follow,” Harry Burn noted, “and my mother wanted me to vote for ratification.” 

13. Eight days after the 19th Amendment was ratified, 10 million women joined the electorate. 

On August 26, the 19th amendment officially took effect. As legal scholar Akhil Reed Amar points out, the sheer volume of brand new voters created by this legal action made it “the single biggest democratizing event in American history.” 

14. Multiple citizens have been cited as the first to vote under the new amendment. 

South St. Paul, Minnesota scheduled a special bond election at 5:30 a.m. on August 27 in which 87 women voted (but women could vote in these elections anyway; their votes just didn’t count—they were recorded for public interest). Nevertheless, it’s often reported that Mrs. Marie Ruoff Byrum of Hannibal, Missouri cast the first female ballot in post-amendment history in a local alderman race four days later. 

15. Rumors circulated that a woman might appear on the Democratic ticket in 1920. 

Prominent Republican May Jester Allen allegedly heard that the Dems were weighing a 35-year-old DNC committeewoman named Anna Dickie Olesen for their vice-presidential nomination. Instead, the nomination went to Franklin Delano Roosevelt. 

16. FDR became the first president whose mother was eligible to vote. 

Warren G. Harding’s mother, Calvin Coolidge’s mother, and Herbert Hoover’s mother had already died by the time their sons ran for president. Sara Roosevelt, on the other hand, lived to see her son win his third term in 1940.  

17. In 1922, some said the amendment was unconstitutional.

Because Maryland’s constitution reserved voting for men, Judge Oscar Leser and other anti-suffragists charged that the federal government had unlawfully infringed upon their state’s rights. In Leser v. Garnett, the Supreme Court unanimously rejected this and similar arguments against the 19th amendment, thus ensuring its long-term survival. Apparently Chief Justice William Howard Taft decided that the “great majority” were finally for it.

18. Mississippi didn't ratify the 19th Amendment until March 22, 1984. 

Other holdouts include Louisiana and North Carolina, which waited until June 11, 1970 and May 6, 1971, respectively. Still, Mississippi was the very last state to go through with ratification.

19. A statue celebrating Tennessee's role in the 19th Amendment's passage was unveiled in 2016. 

Sculpted by Nashville native Alan LeQuire, the monument depicts five suffragists: Abby Crawford Milton of Chattanooga, Sue Shelton White of Jackson, Frankie Pierce and Anne Dudley of Nashville, and League of Women Voters founder Carrie Chapman Catt. It stands on the Tennessee Performing Arts Center Bridge, near the state capital’s War Memorial building.

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