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The Worst (And Most Important) Smuggling Job in the History of Literature

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The man hired to smuggle Ulysses into New York City was sweating. It was the summer of 1933, and just owning a copy of James Joyce’s modernist work was an arrestable offense: Ten years prior, the New York Society for the Suppression of Vice had instigated a court case against the American publishers of Little Review for serializing the novel. The publishers were arrested, obscenity charges were filed, and the courts banned any further printing or distribution of Ulysses in the United States. Along the way, England, too, banned the novel. Through the 1920s, the Postal Service was under strict orders to burn and destroy any copies found in the mail. And so the man standing at New York City’s docks, waiting to get through customs, was perspiring. But maybe not for the reason you think.

The smuggler was following very specific instructions. He’d obtained the text, just like he’d been told. He stuffed the book into his suitcase. Then he boarded the luxurious Aquitania in Europe, with orders to disembark at this very port. But as he waited in line eying the customs officials, things weren’t going to plan. In fact, it looked like the officer was just going to wave him through. This was not what the smuggler was being paid to do; he was under strict orders to get caught! 

“Get out; get on out,” the customs agent yelled. Instead of checking bags for contraband, the officers were frantically stamping the suitcases in front of them. They didn’t bother to look inside, or halt passengers for random checks. As the official tried to push the smuggler forward, the traveler did something inane: he demanded to be inspected.

"I insist that you open the bag and search it."

"It's too hot," argued the inspector. Indeed, the temperature in the room was well over 100 degrees. The officials were rushing people through so they too could call it a day. But the passenger insisted. “I think there’s something in there that’s contraband, and I insist that it be searched.”

Annoyed and overheated, the inspector dug through the man’s bag and discovered the copy of Ulysses.

Then he shrugged. Even with the illegal item in hand, the customs inspector was too hot to care. "I demand that you seize this book,” the man said. When the agent refused, the man called for a supervisor. When the official’s boss started to argue with the man, imploring him to be reasonable and take his book and go, the smuggler barked on about laws and duty. Realizing that this long-winded man wasn’t going anywhere until they had seized his book, the two officials eventually relented and confiscated the copy of Ulysses.

The tale is one of the most baffling encounters in customs history. It’s also one of the most important. Getting Ulysses impounded was a crucial part of publisher Bennett Cerf’s plot to take on censorship in America. As the co-founder of Random House, the brilliant, hilarious, and sometimes controversial Cerf wanted desperately to publish James Joyce’s work in the U.S., so he’d arranged for it to be smuggled into the country. But it’s what he pasted inside the cover of that bulky book jacket that truly changed society. 

MODERN (LIBRARY) MAN

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Born in 1898, Bennett Cerf grew up on the Upper West Side of Manhattan, a second generation New Yorker with family hailing from Germany and Alsace. Although his maternal grandfather was a successful businessman, Cerf’s parents were solidly middle class, and he grew up attending public school and playing stickball in the streets.

Things changed abruptly when his mother died, the day before he turned 16. His grandfather, distrustful of Cerf’s father’s ability to manage finances, had put money in a trust for Cerf under his mother’s care. Upon her death, the teenager inherited close to $125,000.

Thrown by the simultaneous loss of his mother and the acquisition of a fortune, Cerf left high school and went to the Packard Commercial School for a year, learning penmanship and getting his first look inside how businesses like restaurants and department stores ran. When his Uncle Herbert talked him into going to college, he entered Columbia’s journalism school (which he picked, in part, because it was one of the few programs where Latin and Greek weren’t required). There, he found himself surrounded by future luminaries: Broadway songwriter Oscar Hammerstein was the head of his fraternity; one half of Simon and Schuster, Max Schuster, was also there, while Richard Simon was in the college.

In 1920, Cerf earned a journalism degree and was hired as a reporter for the New York Herald Tribune (he was soon fired from the paper after dispensing advice he hadn’t run by his editor in a finance column) and at a Wall Street brokerage firm. When he heard about an opportunity at the publisher Boni & Liveright, he quit and used part of his inheritance to keep the publishing house afloat.

After apprenticing at the business for a few years and wining and dining authors, Cerf struck out to make his own name in publishing. On his 27th birthday, Cerf and his college friend Donald Klopfer bought the Modern Library imprint for $200,000. Two years later, when they’d more than recouped their investment, the pair founded Random House Publishing on a lark. “We just said we were going to publish a few books on the side at random. Let’s call it Random House,” Cerf recounts in his autobiography At Random.

With the onset of the Depression, Random House moved into trade publishing, a decision that would help keep them afloat during the Depression, and would eventually help them become the largest English language trade publisher in the world.

Cerf and his abilities were central to that rise—his humor, his business instincts, his ability to befriend even the prickliest of authors, and his readiness to gamble. He helped Random House build a roster of heavy hitters that included William Faulkner, Sinclair Lewis, Truman Capote, and Eugene O’Neill, amongst others. His relationships played a major role: Cerf playfully bet Theodor Geisel—better known as Dr. Seuss—$50 he couldn’t write a book using only 50 words; the result was Green Eggs and Ham, which only uses 49. He pleaded for Ayn Rand to cut John Galt’s speech from Atlas Shrugged (Rand replied: “Would you cut the Bible?”), and he made excuses for Faulkner so he could skip out on a dinner in his honor hosted by the Governor of Mississippi. His humor also played a key role in the business: When Publisher’s Weekly had a cover featuring the beautiful, charismatic author Kathleen Windsor, Random House released a response ad with pictures of their authors Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas with the tagline, “Shucks, we’ve got glamour girls too.” (Stein, for her part, loved it.)

But before most of this, in the first few years Random House existed, Cerf focused all of his skills—his business acumen, his charm, and his humor—on one of the most troubling censorship cases of the era: America’s banning of Ulysses.

THE TROUBLE WITH ULYSSES

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After U.S. courts banned Ulysses from being serialized in the literary magazine The Little Review in 1920, Sylvia Beach, the owner of Shakespeare Publishing Co. in Paris, stepped up to publish the first full version of the novel in 1922, wrapped in a distinct light blue cover.

The book was hounded by criticism and claims of obscenity from its initial publication. Shane Leslie in the Quarterly Review claimed that the book "tries to pour ridicule on the most sacred themes and characters in what has been the religion of Europe for nearly two thousand years." A review in the New Statesman called Ulysses "an obscene book," even though the review also argued the book "contains more artistic dynamite than any book published for years." Harvard Professor Irving Babbit said that to write Ulysses, Joyce must have been "in an advanced stage of psychic disintegration."

Despite the criticism and the effective banning of the book in the U.S., copies still made their way into the U.S. covertly, snuck home by tourists who had stopped by Beach's shop, or stealthily shipped through the mail. Any copies discovered by the U.S. Postal Service were burned.

Censorship in America and Britain didn't stop Ulysses from continuing to find audiences, but it also meant Joyce had no legal means to protect his work. Excerpts from Ulysses, full of significant errors, were published by the notorious New York publisher Samuel Roth starting in 1926 without Joyce's full permission. Not only did a protest letter signed by 162 noteworthy figures of the era (including Albert Einstein) fail to stop Roth from pirating Joyce's work, he went on to publish a complete version of the book in 1929, also full of mistakes. Ulysses seemed destined to be relegated to being a novelty, available only by visiting Beach’s Paris bookstore, or from shady publishers looking to make a buck off of Joyce's notoriety.

Cerf took an interest in Ulysses in 1932, when he heard the lawyer Morris Ernst express his disgust at the book's banning. Ernst was an exceptional lawyer with an incredible track record: he was one of the leading voices behind the American Civil Liberties Union, and had been penpals with the FBI’s J. Edgar Hoover for years. Building off of Ernst’s interest, Cerf made an offer during lunch: “We’ll pay the court expenses, and if you win the case, you’ll get a royalty on Ulysses for the rest of your life.”

Ernst agreed. With the legal representation locked down, next Cerf had to win over James Joyce. He wrote to the author at the Shakespeare and Co. Bookshop in Paris to discuss if he would be interested in a meeting to discuss publishing Ulysses in America, legally. When Joyce wrote back, Cerf booked his ticket.

Once he arrived in Paris, Cerf went to meet Joyce at Shakespeare and Co., where he found a surprise. Joyce was there, but he was in rough shape: one arm in a sling, foot and head in bandages, and an eyepatch over his left eye (Cerf only discovered later that Joyce always wore the eyepatch). Sylvia Beach explained that Joyce had been so excited to meet Cerf and finally have his book published in the U.S. that he had walked straight into traffic without looking, and had been hit by a taxicab. But in spite of his condition, Joyce still wanted to negotiate. Cerf proposed an advance of $1500 on 15 percent royalties if they won the court case, in exchange for rights to the official edition of Ulysses. Win or lose, Joyce walked away with $1500. For Joyce, who needed the money, it was already a win.

Once back in the States, Cerf and Ernst began scheming on the best way to have the book entered into the courts. Cerf could, of course, publish the book and risk a massive trial and take massive losses on all the printing costs if the courts ruled against him. Or, as Ernst cleverly pointed out, they could go another way: What if they smuggled a book into the country and made sure it was confiscated at customs? And what if they packed the book with positive evidence?

Because Cerf and Ernst both knew that outside criticism of Ulysses could not be considered in a trial, Cerf decided to make them part of the book. To make the judge see just how important the book was in the scope of modern literature, he pasted essays and critical acclaim from the likes of Ford Madox Ford and Ezra Pound into the book’s jacket and opening pages, until it could fit no more: “By the time we were finished, the covers were bulging,” Cerf wrote later.

The publisher and lawyer also took pains to figure out exactly which judge they wanted to try the case. They decided on John M. Woolsey, who had a record of lobbying for the arts; they waited till he would be back from vacation and picked a specific port and date to smuggle the book into to assure he’d be on the bench.  

This was the copy the passenger on the Aquitania had brought with him to be confiscated at the New York City docks. Despite the dock inspectors’ lack of enthusiasm, this was the copy that was seized, and the one that would go into the court records. The stage had been set—just how Cerf had planned it.

THE CASE

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The case, called United States vs. One Book Named Ulysses, went to court in fall 1933 with Woolsey on the bench. The case proceeded for two days with no jury, and Woolsey’s verdict was delivered soon after.

In his ruling, Woolsey admitted that Ulysses “is not an easy book to read or understand.” Comprehending the additional criticism and analysis was also “a heavy task.” But Woolsey saw none of the obscenities the book was charged with. Instead, he saw a work of art: “Each word of the book contributes like a bit of mosaic to the detail of the picture which Joyce is seeking to construct for his readers.”

He wondered why all Americans should be barred from this work just because some people had qualms, and he took the time after finishing the book to ask two well-read friends he labeled “literary assessors” to tell him if they found the book obscene. They didn’t, which further confirmed Woolsey’s argument that the average reader must be given access to books like Ulysses: “It is only with the normal person that the law is concerned.”

In his conclusion, Woolsey’s decided that Ulysses was “a sincere and serious attempt to devise a new literary method for the observation and description of mankind” and that "Ulysses may, therefore, be admitted into the United States.” Cerf and Ernst had won.

THE AFTERMATH

Cerf had his typesetters at the ready. Within 10 minutes of Woolsey’s verdict on December 3, 1933, the printing process began; future editions of Ulysses would include the full text of Woolsey’s decision.

Joyce, too, was overjoyed. Upon hearing the news, he wrote: Thus one half of the English speaking world surrenders. The other half will follow.” The hype and trial made Ulysses a bestseller in the United States, and as Cerf later noted, “[it] was our first really important trade publication.” Cerf never got Joyce to visit for a book tour, though: "We almost lured Joyce to America once, but he was afraid of boats."

Far more important than sales was the long-lasting implications that the verdict had on American censorship. In 1934, the case was appealed by the United States, but upheld in a 2-1 vote in the Second Circuit.

Ernst would call Woosley’s ruling “a body-blow for the censors.” Ideas that the judge put forth in his ruling—that a work of literature should be judged as a whole rather than by contentious excerpts, and that the average American reader should not be deprived access to controversial literature—would ripple out, playing a key role in future censorship and obscenity cases in the United States, including when works like Henry Miller’s Tropic of Cancer and Allen Ginsburg’s Howl faced obscenity charges in the 1950s and '60s.

Cerf, for his part, continued to help push literature forward while remaining wary of censoring of the arts. In a 1957 interview, following a decade that had been swept up in McCarthyism, Cerf confirmed his belief that book censorship was “One of the most dangerous things in America today” but he also kept his humor. When asked who these censors were, Cerf replied: “Self-appointed snoop hounds.” 

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This Just In
Pablo Neruda's Death Wasn't Caused by Cancer, Experts Conclude
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Pablo Neruda—whose real name was Ricardo Eliecer Neftalí Reyes Basoalto—died on September 23, 1973, less than two years after he was awarded the 1971 Nobel Prize in Literature. The official cause of death was recorded as cancer cachexia, or wasting syndrome, from prostate cancer. But while Neruda did have cancer, new tests on his remains indicate that the left-leaning Chilean politician and poet didn’t actually succumb to the disease, according to BBC News.

It’s still unclear what, exactly, caused Neruda’s demise. But in a recent press conference, a team of 16 international experts announced that they were "100 percent convinced" that the author's death certificate "does not reflect the reality of the death,” as quoted by the BBC.

Neruda died in 1973 at the age of 69, less than two weeks after a military coup led by General Augusto Pinochet ousted the Marxist government of President Salvador Allende. Neruda, a Communist, was a former diplomat and senator, and a friend of the deposed politician.

In 2011, Manuel Araya, Neruda’s chauffeur, claimed that the poet had told him that Pinochet’s men had injected poison into his stomach as he was hospitalized during his final days, Nature reports. The Communist Party of Chile filed a criminal lawsuit, and Neruda’s remains were exhumed in 2013 and later reburied in 2016, according to the BBC.

Many of Neruda’s relatives and friends were reportedly skeptical of Araya’s account, as was the Pablo Neruda Foundation, according to The New York Times. But after samples of Neruda’s remains were analyzed by forensic genetics laboratories in four nations, Chile’s government acknowledged that it was “highly probable” that his official cause of death was incorrect.

And now, the team of scientists has unanimously ruled out cachexia as having caused Neruda’s death. “There was no indication of cachexia,” said Dr. Niels Morling, a forensic medical expert from the University of Copenhagen, as quoted by The Guardian. Neruda “was an obese man at the time of death. All other circumstances in his last phase of life pointed to some kind of infection.”

The investigating team says that their analysis yielded what might be lab-cultivated bacteria, although it could have also originated from the burial site or been produced during the body's decomposition process. Test results will be available within a year, they say.

[h/t BBC News]

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The Charming English Fishing Village That Inspired Dracula
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Whitby as seen from the top of the 199 Steps
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The train departed King's Cross at 10:25 a.m. on July 29, 1890. Bram Stoker settled wearily into the carriage for the six-hour journey to Whitby, the fashionable and remote seaside village in North Yorkshire. The sooty sprawl of London gave way to green grids of farmland and pasture, and then windswept moors blanketed in heather and wild roses.

Stoker needed this holiday. The 42-year-old manager of London's Lyceum Theatre had just finished an exhausting national tour with his employer, the celebrated but demanding actor Henry Irving. The unrelenting task of running the business side of Irving's many theatrical enterprises for the past decade had left Stoker with little time for himself. When the curtains fell at the end of each night's performance, he may have felt that the energy had been sucked out of him.

Now he looked forward to a three-week getaway where he would have time to think about his next novel, a supernatural tale that harnessed the sources of Victorian anxiety: immigration and technology, gender roles and religion. In ways he didn't foresee, the small fishing port of Whitby would plant the seeds for a vampire novel that would terrify the world. Stoker started out on an innocent and much-deserved vacation, but ended up creating Dracula.

A photo of Bram Stoker
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As Stoker emerged from the train station in Whitby, the sounds and smell of the sea would have restored him after the long trip. He loaded his trunk into a horse-drawn cab for the journey up the West Cliff, where new vacation apartments and hotels served the crowds of holidaymakers. He checked into a flat at 6 Royal Crescent, a half-circle of elegant Georgian-style townhomes that faced the ocean.

He often felt invigorated by the seashore: "He's finally on a holiday, away from the hustle and bustle of London, the Lyceum Theatre, and Henry Irving's dominance over him," Dacre Stoker, a novelist and the author's great-grandnephew, tells Mental Floss. "The ocean and the seaside play into Bram's life, and, I believe, in stimulating his imagination."

Stoker's wife Florence and their 10-year-old son Noel would join him the following week. Now was his chance to explore Whitby on his own.

The East Cliff with Tate Hill Pier in the foreground
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"A curious blend of old and new it is," wrote a travel correspondent for the Leeds Mercury. The River Esk divided the town into two steep halves known as the West and East Cliffs. Down a tangle of paths from the brow of the West Cliff, Stoker found himself on the town's famed beach, where people gathered to watch the many vessels at sea or walked along the gentle surf. At the end of the beach was the Saloon, the nucleus of Whitby's social whirl.

"The enterprising manager engages the best musical and dramatic talent procurable, whilst on the promenade a selected band of professional musicians gives performances daily," wrote Horne's Guide to Whitby. Holidaymakers could purchase a day pass to the Saloon and enjoy afternoon tea, tennis, and endless people-watching.

Next to the Saloon, the West Pier featured a long promenade parallel to the river and a three-story building containing public baths, a museum with a collection of local fossils, and a subscription library. Shops selling fish and chips, ice cream, and Whitby rock lined the winding streets. Visitors could watch all kinds of fishing vessels discharging their daily catch, and even hop aboard a boat for a night's "herringing" with local fishermen.

Whitby's East Cliff had a more mysterious atmosphere. Across the town's single bridge, tightly packed medieval cottages and jet factories leaned over the narrow cobbled streets, "rising one above another from the water side in the most irregular, drunken sort of arrangement conceivable," the Leeds Mercury reported.

Above the ancient Tate Hill Pier, a stone stairway of 199 steps (which pallbearers used when they carried coffins) led up the cliff to St. Mary's parish church and its graveyard full of weathered headstones. Towering over the whole scene—and visible from nearly any spot in town—were the ruins of Whitby Abbey, a 13th-century pile of Gothic arches that had been built upon the remains of a 7th-century monastery.

"I think [Stoker] was struck by the setting. He's thinking, 'This is perfect. I have the ships coming in, I've got the abbey, a churchyard, a graveyard'," Dacre Stoker says. "Maybe it was by chance, but I think it just became that perfect scene."

Whitby Abbey
Whitby Abbey
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In Dracula, chapters six through eight kick the narrative into frightening action. By then, real estate agent Jonathan Harker has traveled to Transylvania to negotiate Dracula's purchase of a London property and become the vampire's prisoner. His fiancée Mina Murray, her friend Lucy Westenra, and Lucy's mother have traveled to Whitby for a relaxing holiday, but Mina remains troubled by the lack of letters from Jonathan. She confides her worries and records the strange scenes she witnesses in her journal.

On the afternoon of his arrival, according to a modern account compiled by historians at the Whitby Museum, Stoker climbed the 199 Steps to St. Mary's churchyard and found a bench in the southwest corner. The view made a deep impression on Stoker, and he took note of the river and harbor, the abbey's "noble ruin," the houses "piled up one over the other anyhow." In his novel, Mina arrives in late July on the same train as Stoker, mounts the 199 Steps, and echoes his thoughts:

"This is to my mind the nicest spot in Whitby, for it lies right over the town, and has a full view of the harbor ... It descends so steeply over the harbor that part of the bank has fallen away, and some of the graves have been destroyed. In one place part of the stonework of the graves stretches out over the sandy pathway far below. There are walks, with seats beside them, through the churchyard; and people go and sit there all day long looking at the beautiful view and enjoying the breeze. I shall come and sit here very often myself and work."

The churchyard gave Stoker a number of literary ideas. The following day, Stoker chatted there with three leathery old Greenland fisherman who likely spoke in a distinct Yorkshire dialect. They told Stoker a bit of mariner's lore: If a ship's crew heard bells at sea, an apparition of a lady would appear in one of the abbey's windows. "Then things is all wore out," one of the sailors warned.

Stoker ambled between the headstones that sprouted from the thick carpet of grass. Though most of the markers' names and dates had been erased by the wind, he copied almost 100 into his notes. Stoker used one of them, Swales, as the name of the fisherman with a face that is "all gnarled and twisted like the bark of an old tree," who begins talking with Mina in the churchyard. Mina asks him about the legend of the lady appearing in the abbey window, but Swales says it's all foolishness—stories of "boh-ghosts an' barguests an' bogles" that are only fit to scare children.

St. Mary's churchyard
St. Mary's churchyard, which Mina calls "the nicest spot in Whitby."
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For the first few days in August, Stoker was occupied by the summer's social calendar. He likely enjoyed dinner with friends arriving from London, and went to church on Sunday morning. On the 5th, Stoker's wife and son joined him at 6 Royal Crescent. The next several days may have been spent at the Saloon, promenading on the pier, and making social calls, as it was the custom for newly arrived visitors to visit with acquaintances in town.

But Whitby's infamous weather had the ability to turn a sunny day somber in an instant. August 11 was a "grey day," Stoker noted, "horizon lost in grey mist, all vastness, clouds piled up and a 'brool' over the sea." With Florence and Noel perhaps staying indoors, Stoker set off for the East Cliff again and chatted with a Coast Guard boatman named William Petherick. "Told me of various wrecks," Stoker jotted. During one furious gale, a "ship got into harbor, never knew how, all hands were below praying."

The ship was the Dmitry, a 120-ton schooner that had left the Russian port of Narva with a ballast of silver sand. The ship encountered a fierce storm as it neared Whitby on October 24, 1885, and aimed for the harbor.

"The 'Russian' got in but became a wreck during the night," according to a copy of the Coast Guard's log, which Petherick delivered to Stoker. The crew survived. In a picture taken by local photographer Frank Meadow Sutcliffe just a few days after the storm, the Dmitry is shown beached near Tate Hill Pier with its masts lying in the sand.

'The Wreck of the Dmitry' (1885), by Frank Meadow Sutcliffe
The Wreck of the Dmitry (1885), by Frank Meadow Sutcliffe
Courtesy of the Sutcliffe Gallery

Petherick's account gave Stoker the means for his vampire's arrival in England, the moment when the mysterious East disrupts the order of the West. Mina pastes a local newspaper article describing a sudden and ferocious storm that hurled Dracula's ship, the Demeter from Varna, against Tate Hill Pier. The Coast Guard discovered the crew had vanished and the captain was dead. Just then, "an immense dog sprang up on deck and … making straight for the steep cliff … it disappeared in the darkness, which seemed intensified just beyond the focus of the searchlight," the article in Mina's journal reads. The dog was never seen again, but townsfolk did find a dead mastiff that had been attacked by another large beast.

Mina describes the funeral for the Demeter's captain, which Stoker based on scenes from an annual celebration he watched on August 15 called the Water Fete. In reality, thousands of cheerful spectators lined the quays as a local band and choir performed popular songs and a parade of gaily decorated boats sailed up the river, with banners fluttering merrily in the breeze, according to the Whitby Gazette's report. But through Mina, Stoker transformed the scene into a memorial:

"Every boat in the harbor seemed to be there, and the coffin was carried by captains all the way from Tate Hill Pier up to the churchyard. Lucy came with me, and we went early to our old seat, whilst the cortege of boats went up the river to the Viaduct and came down again. We had a lovely view, and saw the procession nearly all the way."

The final week of Stoker's holiday elicited some of the most important details in Dracula. On August 19, he bought day passes to Whitby's museum library and the subscription library. In the museum's reading room, Stoker wrote down 168 words in the Yorkshire dialect and their English meanings from F.K. Robinson's A Glossary of Words Used in the Neighborhood of Whitby, which later formed the bulk of Mr. Swales's vocabulary in his chats with Mina.

One of the words was "barguest," a term for a "terrifying apparition," which also refers specifically to a "large black dog with flaming eyes as big as saucers" in Yorkshire folklore, whose "vocation appears to have been that of a presage of death," according to an account from 1879.

"I do think Stoker meant for that connection," John Edgar Browning, visiting lecturer at the Georgia Institute of Technology and expert in horror and the gothic, tells Mental Floss. "Moreover, he probably would have meant for the people of Whitby in the novel to make the connection, since it was they who perceived Dracula's form as a large black dog."

Downstairs, Stoker checked out books on Eastern European culture and folklore, clearly with the aim of fleshing out the origins of his vampire: Curious Myths of the Middle Ages, a travelogue titled On the Track of the Crescent, and most importantly, William Wilkinson's An Account of the Principalities of Wallachia and Moldovia: with Various Observations Relating to Them.

The library building where Stoker discovered Dracula
The library building where Stoker discovered Dracula
Courtesy of Dacre Stoker

From the latter book, Stoker wrote in his notes, "P. 19. DRACULA in Wallachian language means DEVIL. Wallachians were accustomed to give it as a surname to any person who rendered himself conspicuous by courage, cruel actions, or cunning."

The Wilkinson book gave Stoker not just the geographical origin and nationality for his character, but also his all-important name, redolent of mystery and malice. "The moment Stoker happened upon the name of 'Dracula' in Whitby—a name Stoker scribbled over and over on the same page on which he crossed through [the vampire's original name] 'Count Wampyr,' as if he were savoring the word's three evil syllables—the notes picked up tremendously," Browning says.

By the time Stoker and his family returned to London around August 23, he had developed his idea from a mere outline to a fully fledged villain with a sinister name and unforgettable fictional debut.

"The modernization of the vampire myth that we see in Dracula—and that many contemporary reviewers commented upon—may not have happened, at least to the same degree, without Stoker's visit to Whitby," Browning says. "Whitby was a major catalyst, the contemporary Gothic 'glue', as it were, for what would eventually become the most famous vampire novel ever written."

Bram Stoker visited Whitby only once in his life, but the seaside village made an indelible mark on his imagination. When he finally wrote the scenes as they appear in Dracula, "He placed all of these events in real time, in real places, with real names of people he pulled off gravestones. That's what set the story apart," Dacre Stoker says. "That's why readers were scared to death—because there is that potential, just for a moment, that maybe this story is real."

Additional source: Bram Stoker's Notes for Dracula: A Facsimile Edition, annotated and transcribed by Robert Eighteen-Bisang and Elizabeth Miller

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