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11 Campaign Slogans That Went Beyond Buzzwords

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Heritage Auctions

Christine Lusey runs Retro Campaigns, the internet's premier source for historical campaign t-shirts and memorabilia. We asked if she could compile some memorable slogans from past elections. She did not disappoint.

These days it seems like every campaign slogan is just a series of political buzzwords. But it wasn't always this way. Here are some old slogans we hope will inspire the next crop of candidates to go with something unique.

1. Al Smith (1928)

Proponents of the nationwide prohibition against the sale, manufacture, and transportation of alcohol were called "drys," while opponents, like 1928 presidential candidate Al Smith, were called "wets."

2. Anti-FDR (1940)

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Clearly, not everyone was pleased when Franklin Delano Roosevelt broke with tradition and announced he would seek a third term in 1940.

3 & 4. The Case for — and Against — Barry Goldwater (1964)

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Republican Barry Goldwater never shied away from tough talk during the 1964 presidential campaign, and while many Americans reacted positively to his aggressive stance on the perceived Communist threat (he joked about dropping a nuclear bomb "into the men's room at the Kremlin"), others were a little less sure. So when the Goldwater camp ran with "In Your Heart, You Know He's Right," Democratic nominee Lyndon Johnson quickly countered with "In Your Guts You Know He's Nuts."

5. Adlai Stevenson (1952)

When a photographer caught a picture of Democratic presidential nominee Adlai Stevenson with a hole in his shoe in 1952, the quick-witted Stevenson said, "Better a hole in the shoe than a hole in the head!" The now-iconic image came to represent Stevenson as a frugal everyman, and was soon seen on buttons and made into pins and paperweights. He still lost to war hero Dwight D. Eisenhower (twice!).

T-shirt available from RetroCampaigns.com

6. Thomas Dewey

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Thomas Dewey was twice the Republican candidate for president, losing to Franklin Roosevelt in 1944 and Harry Truman in 1948. The double-meaning of the Democratic Party donkey symbol wouldn't have been lost on anyone.

7. Anti-FDR (1940)

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The iconic image we know as Alfred E. Neuman actually predates the debut of Mad Magazine in 1954 and appeared in various incarnations dating back to the 19th century. Here the "simp" is opposing FDR in 1940.

8. William Henry Harrison (and Tyler Too!) (1840)

In 1840, the Whigs took advantage of William Henry Harrison's military victory at the Tippecanoe River in the Indiana Territory over a confederation of Native American tribes. He would enjoy greater success later in the War of 1812, but it was the battle at Tippecanoe that stuck with Harrison and provided easy campaign material for the Whigs. "Tippecanoe and Tyler Too" (John Tyler was his running mate) remains a classic campaign slogan.

T-shirt available from RetroCampaigns.com

9. The Prostitute Vote (1960)

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Will it be John Kennedy or Richard Nixon in 1960? The world's oldest profession wisely chooses to remain neutral, thank you very much.

10. Franklin Pierce (1852)

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By 1844, the Whigs had abandoned incumbent President John Tyler and instead nominated Henry Clay to face off against Democrat James K. Polk, a man so unknown to the public that one of the Whigs' campaign slogans that year was "Who is James K. Polk?"

Well, Polk won, so, in 1852, when the Whigs found themselves in a similar position... they did the exact same thing. Chucking President Millard Fillmore in favor of General Winfield Scott to run against Democrat Franklin Pierce probably seemed like a good idea at the time.

Like Polk, Pierce was nobody's first choice: there were 35 ballots at the national convention before Pierce was even mentioned, while Scott was a war hero. As in 1844, the Whigs tried to use the Democratic candidate's obscurity to their advantage. The Democrats saw similarities as well, campaigning with one of the all-time-great slogans: "We Polked you in 1844; we shall Pierce you in 1852!" And again the Whigs saw their man defeated. The party was dissolved before the next presidential election.

11. Grover Cleveland (1884)

Image from the Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division, Washington, D.C.

If you're a fan of negative campaigning, then 1884 is your year. The Democrats and their nominee, Grover Cleveland, tried to capitalize on rumors of corruption that plagued Republican nominee James Blaine with the catchy little ditty: "Blaine! Blaine! James G. Blaine! Continental liar from the state of Maine!"

Then Republicans were handed a gift when a newspaper revealed that Cleveland fathered an illegitimate child. Blaine supporters gleefully chanted "Ma, Ma where's my Pa?" at rallies.

But the Democrats had the last laugh: after Cleveland was elected, they added the line, "Gone to the White House, Ha, Ha, Ha!"

This post originally appeared in 2011. Go take in more political history over at Retro Campaigns.

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How Cambodian Refugees Started the Pink Doughnut Box Trend
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Like the red-and-green cardboard pizza boxes or white Chinese takeout containers, many doughnut boxes share a certain look regardless of where you buy them. This is especially true in Southern California: Order a dozen crullers from one of the region's many independently-run doughnut shops and you’ll likely receive them in a glossy pink box. According to Great Big Story, this trend can be traced back to an influential immigrant business owner.

In the 1970s, Ted Ngoy moved to Southern California as a refugee from Cambodia. Much of Los Angeles's current doughnut scene is thanks to him: He opened dozens of doughnut shops of his own and helped fellow Cambodian refugees in the area get started in the business. Along with passing down entrepreneurial advice, he also inspired them to choose the light pink boxes that he used in his stores. As Ngoy recalled years later, either he or his business partner, Ning Yen, started the trend after asking their supplier for a cheaper alternative to the traditional white boxes. The company was able to offer them pink boxes at a discount. Because red is considered a lucky color in many Asian cultures, the distinctive shade stuck.

Today, many doughnut places in L.A. County are still owned by Cambodian-American immigrants and their families, and they still use the same old-school packaging Ngoy and his partner popularized 40 years ago.

You can get the full origin story in the video below.

[h/t Great Big Story]

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Pop Culture
Fumbled: The Story of the United States Football League
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There were supposed to be 44 players marching to the field when the visiting Los Angeles Express played their final regular season game against the Orlando Renegades in June 1985.

Thirty-six of them showed up. The team couldn’t afford more.

“We didn’t even have money for tape,” Express quarterback Steve Young said in 1986. “Or ice.” The squad was so poor that Young played fullback during the game. They only had one, and he was injured.

Other teams had ridden school buses to practice, driven three hours for “home games,” or shared dressing room space with the local rodeo. In August 1986, the cash-strapped United States Football League called off the coming season. The league itself would soon vaporize entirely after gambling its future on an antitrust lawsuit against the National Football League. The USFL argued the NFL was monopolizing television time; the NFL countered that the USFL—once seen as a promising upstart—was being victimized by its own reckless expansion and the wild spending of team owners like Donald Trump.

They were both right.

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Spring football. That was David Dixon’s pitch. The New Orleans businessman and football advocate—he helped get the Saints in his state—was a fan of college ball and noticed that spring scrimmages at Tulane University led to a little more excitement in the air. With a fiscally responsible salary cap in place and a 12-team roster, he figured his idea could be profitable. Market research agreed: a hired broadcast research firm asserted 76 percent of fans would watch what Dixon had planned.

He had no intention of grappling with the NFL for viewers. That league’s season aired from September through January, leaving a football drought March through July. And in 1982, a players’ strike led to a shortened NFL season, making the idea of an alternative even more appealing to networks. Along with investors for each team region, Dixon got ABC and the recently-formed ESPN signed to broadcast deals worth a combined $35 million over two years.

When the Chicago Blitz faced the Washington Federals on the USFL’s opening day March 6, 1983, over 39,000 fans braved rain at RFK Stadium in Washington to see it. The Federals lost 28-7, foreshadowing their overall performance as one of the league’s worst. Owner Berl Bernhard would later complain the team played like “untrained gerbils.”

Anything more coordinated might have been too expensive. The USFL had instituted a strict $1.8 million salary cap that first year to avoid franchise overspending, but there were allowances made so each team could grab one or two standout rookies. In 1983, the big acquisition was Heisman Trophy winner Herschel Walker, who opted out of his senior year at Georgia to turn pro. Walker signed with the New Jersey Generals in a three-year, $5 million deal.

Jim Kelly and Steve Young followed. Stan White left the Detroit Lions. Marcus Dupree left college. The rosters were built up from scratch using NFL cast-offs or prospects from nearby colleges, where teams had rights to “territorial” drafts.

To draw a line in the sand, the USFL had advertising play up the differences between the NFL’s product and their own. Their slogan, “When Football Was Fun,” was a swipe at the NFL’s increasingly draconian rules regarding players having any personality. They also advised teams to run a series of marketable halftime attractions. The Denver Gold once offered a money-back guarantee for attendees who weren’t satisfied. During one Houston Gamblers game, boxer George Foreman officiated a wedding. Cars were given away at Tampa Bay Bandits games. The NFL, the upstart argued, stood for the No Fun League.

For a while, it appeared to be working. The Panthers, which had invaded the city occupied by the Detroit Lions, averaged 60,000 fans per game, higher than their NFL counterparts. ABC was pleased with steady ratings. The league was still conservative in their spending.

That would change—many would argue for the worse—with the arrival of Donald Trump.

Despite Walker’s abilities on the field, his New Jersey Generals ended the inaugural 1983 season at 6-12, one of the worst records in the league. The excitement having worn off, owner J. Walter Duncan decided to sell the team to real estate investor Trump for a reported $5-9 million.

A fixture of New York media who was putting the finishing touches on Trump Tower, Trump introduced two extremes to the USFL. His presence gave the league far more press attention than it had ever received, but his bombastic approach to business guaranteed he wouldn’t be satisfied with an informal salary cap. Trump spent and spent some more, recruiting players to improve the Generals. Another Heisman winner, quarterback Doug Flutie, was signed to a five-year, $7 million contract, the largest in pro football at the time. Trump even pursued Lawrence Taylor, then a player for the New York Giants, who signed a contract saying that, after his Giants contract expired, he’d join Trump’s team. The Giants wound up buying out the Taylor/Trump contract for $750,000 and quadrupled Taylor’s salary, and Trump wound up with pages of publicity.

Trump’s approach was effective: the Generals improved to 14-4 in their sophomore season. But it also had a domino effect. In order to compete with the elevated bar of talent, other team owners began spending more, too. In a race to defray costs, the USFL approved six expansion teams that paid a buy-in of $6 million each to the league.

It did little to patch the seams. Teams were so cash-strapped that simple amenities became luxuries. The Michigan Panthers dined on burnt spaghetti and took yellow school buses to training camp; players would race to cash checks knowing the last in line stood a chance of having one bounce. When losses became too great, teams began to merge with one another: The Washington Federals became the Orlando Renegades. By the 1985 season, the USFL was down to 14 teams. And because the ABC contract required the league to have teams in certain top TV markets, ABC started withholding checks.

Trump was unmoved. Since taking over the Generals, he had been petitioning behind the scenes for the other owners to pursue a shift to a fall season, where they would compete with the NFL head on. A few owners countered that fans had already voiced their preference for a spring schedule. Some thought it would be tantamount to league suicide.

Trump continued to push. By the end of the 1984 season, he had swayed opinion enough for the USFL to plan on one final spring block in 1985 before making the move to fall in 1986.

In order to make that transition, they would have to win a massive lawsuit against the NFL.

In the mid-1980s, three major networks meant that three major broadcast contracts would be up for grabs—and the NFL owned all three. To Trump and the USFL, this constituted a monopoly. They filed suit in October 1984. By the time it went to trial in May 1986, the league had shrunk from 18 teams to 14, hadn’t hosted a game since July 1985, kept only threadbare rosters, and was losing what existing television deals it had by migrating to smaller markets (a major part of the NFL’s case was that the real reason for the lawsuit, and the moves to smaller markets, was to make the league an attractive takeover prospect for the NFL). The ruling—which could have forced the NFL to drop one of the three network deals—would effectively become the deciding factor of whether the USFL would continue operations.

They came close. A New York jury deliberated for 31 hours over five days. After the verdict, jurors told press that half believed the NFL was guilty of being a monopoly and were prepared to offer the USFL up to $300 million in damages; the other half thought the USFL had been crippled by its own irresponsible expansion efforts. Neither side would budge.

To avoid a hung jury, it was decided they would find in favor of the USFL but only award damages in the amount of $1. One juror told the Los Angeles Times that she thought it would be an indication for the judge to calculate proper damages.

He didn’t. The USFL was awarded treble damages for $3 in total, an amount that grew slightly with interest after time for appeal. The NFL sent them a payment of $3.76. (Less famously, the NFL was also ordered to pay $5.5 million in legal fees.)

Rudy Shiffer, vice-president of the Memphis Showboats, summed up the USFL's fate shortly after the ruling was handed down. “We’re dead,” he said.

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